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Rabu, 11 Mei 2011

The New American Work Force

[I]n 1954, about 96 percent of American men between the ages of 25 and 54 worked. Today that number is around 80 percent. One-fifth of all men in their prime working ages are not getting up and going to work. According to figures from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the United States has a smaller share of prime age men in the work force than any other G-7 nation. The number of Americans on the permanent disability rolls, meanwhile, has steadily increased. Ten years ago, 5 million Americans collected a federal disability benefit. Now 8.2 million do.…There are probably more idle men now than at any time since the Great Depression, and this time the problem is mostly structural, not cyclical.
From Tyler Cohen at the Marginal Revolution citing David Brooks at the New York Times.

In parallel with the shift Cohen notes, the percentage of adult women in the work force has almost doubled from about 32% to about 65%.  About one in five American women will never have children, and the vast majority of those who do have children will also work for many years while they have children, sometimes even when the children are infants.  Also, both men and women are entering the work force later because they are more likely to finish high school and attend college, and a much larger number of working age adults are incarcerated now than were in 1954.

Finally, of course, unemployment rates are just under the double digits as we creep out of the recession caused by the financial crisis, and men have taken more of a hit in the current recession than women.  In contrast, 1954 was a point of relatively low unemployment, driven by a manufacturing economy that was serving a world market whose own capacity had not yet recovered from the capital destruction of World War II and the millions of men permanently removed from the work force by that war.

I'm not ready to jump to the "loser men" interpretation  that Cohen, citing David Brooks, does.  An increased number of permanent disability claims is to be expected as a generation of blue collar baby boomers ages.  Total labor force participation relative to the working aged population as a whole is at all time highs, unrivaled anywhere else in the world, and Americans work longer hours that workers in any other country.

The working aged men who are withdrawing from the labor force, in addition to growing ranks of graduate students and inmates and disabled blue collar workers, are mostly early retirees who have played by the rules, worked hard, saved money, raised children, sent them to college and are retiring early because they are prosperous, not because they are lazy.  Many young retirees use their years of early retirement to give back to the community and their families, contributions that were often slighted during the hectic years when they built up their nest eggs.  Early retirement is the American answer to the fact that we have so much less work-life balance, longer work weeks, and less vacation time than our developed world counterparts.  For my druthers, I'd prefer an economy where the average American works fewer hours per year, unemployment is lower, early retirement is rare because most people love their jobs, and men and women balance work and family in more similar ways to each other than we do today.  But, until we reach that day, I am not going to grudge the time that working age men who toiled intensely for a few decades and accrued a nest eggs take to retire early and smell the roses.

My father was anything but an early retiree, but what he spends his time doing in retirement is typical of retirees in reasonably good health of all ages.  He visits grandchildren and stepgrandchildren.  He helps an urban Cincinnati church reimagine itself and develop a plan for raising funds and turning itself around.  He directs a youth choir, commissioned the composition of one hymn and wrote another hymn himself.  He is civically active, writing letters to the editor and op-ed columns relevant to his professional experience.  He participates in a gourmet group and a community choir.  He keeps his home in good repair.  He keeps a watchful eye on the good health and well being of his neighbors and the neighborhood's esprit de corps.  He takes steps to move forward efforts to convert smelly feedlot manure into a renewable energy source.  He set up a volunteer training program for people in his small town and established a lecture series in his old department.  He stays connected to the people he has spent a lifetime building ties to across the nation and the world.  Of necessity, he spends a lot more time than he once did tending to his own good health, and as a consequence of his age, spends more time reading obituaries and attending funerals than he once did.  He spends more time on vacation travel than he once did, but no more than a typical French or German bureaucrat in the prime of his career does.  Just as we strive to find meaningful work in our lives working for pay, and some of us achieve that, we strive to find meaningful leisure in our lives when we are not working for pay and some of us achieve that as well.

What my father does in his retirement is not the same as work, admittedly.  He no longer has to fight pitched bureaucratic battles with the university facilities department over furniture acquisitions for his department.  He longer spends hours grading papers from students in his classes.  He no longer bears primary responsibility for finding internship opportunities for three dozen graduate students a year.  He doesn't have to deal with office politics or admissions decisions.  His days of pouring over long technical reports and attending endless meetings while serving as an advisor to a federal nuclear waste disposal project have come to an end.  But, like most retirees, early and late, he is not an "idle man."  The kind of person who works hard enough to retire early, even more so than the usual retiree, usually is constitutionally incapable of being idle even if they tried.  Early retirement may leave our nation with more really good golfers than we really need, but if one takes it as a given that economic production is a means to an end, rather than an end in and of itself, something economists sometimes forget, this shouldn't be terribly troubling.

One can argue that an economic system that compensates some of our most skilled physicians, executives, lawyers and engineers so well that a large fraction of them withdraw their valuable skills from the monetary economy early is out of kilter.  Surely, my inlaws, who are both medical doctors and both retired early, would have probably done so a little bit later if medical doctors were paid less than they are in our economy and they needs to work longer to be economically self-sufficient.  In that world, they would have spend a few more years treating patients and a little less time playing golf in their golden years.

But, I can hardly fault them. They were cogs in the machine and did what made sense at the time.  The way that the profession was designed when they were actively participating in it, medical doctors had to work exceedingly long hours and carry pagers whereever they went missing children's birthday parties and family time after school, foregoing extended vacations, and generally giving extremely intensely of themselves to serve large numbers of people in medical need with cutting edge skills and technology that provided great benefit to those patients.  They didn't have the option of living more balanced lives while they were working, and that system had built into it the incentive of an early retirement as a reward for that very intense work using skills so scarce that the United States established an immigration visa to secure people with these skills that it was unable to produce in sufficient numbers at home.  If the hope of early retirement hadn't been available in the long run, lots of doctors in their generation would probably have decided that their toil simply wasn't worth it and would have deprived the health care system of their skills far sooner.

The economy at large is experiencing basically the opposite of what most of academia is experiencing.  While old academics are lingering in their tenure track positions long past the traditional retirement age, leaving little room for the ranks of new professors seeking to fill their shoes, in hot parts of the private sector, the millionaire entrepreneurs and executives and physicians of the last long economic boom are making way for their ambitious, young, tech savvy successors.

Indeed, one of the many reasons that upper middle class managerial and professional workers experience low rates of structural unemployment than less skilled workers is that upper middle class workers can afford to retire early and free up jobs for younger workers.  In contrast, many blue collar workers often can't hope to save enough too retire early and continue to fill jobs that reduce the opportunities available for their younger successors.  Still, many middle class, as opposed to upper middle class retirees are workers who have been laid off from long, physically demanding careers as soldiers, as cops, as firemen, and factory workers whose unions, aware that large numbers of them would experience permanent disabilities anyway if they didn't retire early, worked with management to desire jobs that allow for early retirement.

Getting up and going to a paying job is something that people do because they need to support themselves and their families, and because the economy needs certain jobs to get done.  There is no shame in working and no one wants to be unable to support themselves.  But, it is a mistake to assume that getting up and going to a paying job has intrinsic moral value.  There is nothing morally wrong with an early retiree in his early 50s lingering over the newspaper while having breakfast, and spending the rest of his day doing what he thinks is the most valuable use of his time when money is not an object.

Economists tend to think that rational actors want nothing more than more money.  But, most people simply want to have enough money to allow them to be secure in their ability to meet their comfortable but modest economic needs.  Once that goal is accomplished, increasingly sooner for much of the nation's upper middle class in this more prosperous age, earning more money becomes a much lower priority goal.  Sometimes these activities will produce money anyway, but money is no longer the point.

I'm sure that a reporter with a little gumption could find men who don't fit the narrative that I've outlined and fall into the stereotype that David Brooks is trying to conjure. 

I know of several men with good educations and/or professional experience in Denver who spent time as homemaker husbands and/or returned to school for more education, when their own careers hit bumps during bad job markets and their wives had jobs.  Yet, isn't this something that the feminist revolution has been bracing us for, and encourging us to welcome, over the last several decades?  And, at any rate, this remains a statistically minor blip that only accentuates a larger trend of more people seeking graduate educations, blue collar boomers wearing their bodies out, more people spending long years in prison, more people retiring early, and a bad economy driving up unemployment rates.

I'm sure that a not insignificant number of working aged men, particularly men with criminal records or substance abuse problems have simply given up after long, fruitless job hunts, are dependent upon family or friends or lovers, and do little but drink too much and watch television.  In earlier days, when our economy needed lots of unskilled labor for mindless jobs because we hadn't yet mastered automation, people like that would have worked at abundant assembly lines all work and gotten drunk and wasted time after hours and on the weekends.  Now, a lot of that work has been offshored or automated.  There are still unskilled mindless jobs in our economy, but there aren't nearly as many as their used to be, while there are almost as many people chasing after them.

But, for the most part, America's meager safety net doesn't afford men who are not financially secure early retirees the option of leaving the labor force whether they want to or not.  More so than any other developed nation in the world, Americans must work or starve and die.  Leaving the work force is a very expensive luxury purchase for most Americans not to be made lightly, and men and women alike do so in our economy at their peril.

Like any other nation, we have "loser men."  We also have "loser women," "loser children" and "loser seniors."  But, for the most part, those loser men are the men who have no choice but to continue working at unfulfilling, dead end, low paying jobs because they have no other choice and didn't manage to save anything for their futures, not the early retirees who have left the work force entirely.
READ MORE - The New American Work Force

Selasa, 12 April 2011

Scott Adams On College Curriculums

I understand why the top students in America study physics, chemistry, calculus and classic literature. The kids in this brainy group are the future professors, scientists, thinkers and engineers who will propel civilization forward. But why do we make B students sit through these same classes? That's like trying to train your cat to do your taxes—a waste of time and money. Wouldn't it make more sense to teach B students something useful, like entrepreneurship?

From here, by Scott Adams, of Dilbert fame.

FWIW, business majors at Miami University of Oxford, Ohio have to take a semester of calculus, or at least they did when I was a part-time student there, and I had something of Adams' view of that requirement for them.

The theory was that calculus was necessary for them to understand economics, but, in practice, it was simply a hurdle to keep out lots of people who probably could have been very successful in business but were weak in high level quantitative skills, or simply intimidated by the requirement.

The reality is that nobody in the business world ever does calculus (or for that matter trig, which is often considered a pre-requisite for calculus), and that even key calculus concepts in economics, which can be taught in a non-mathematical way, aren't used outside a very narrow group of people who also need advanced economics, in the business world. Plenty of business lawyers have trouble doing compound interest calculations (although they sometimes resort to algebra), and tend to get uncomfortable when non-linear equations come into play.

Also, FWIW, my cats always filed their tax returns when required to do so as a result of their taxable income (which just happened to be never).
READ MORE - Scott Adams On College Curriculums

Senin, 07 Februari 2011

Who trades stock?

Since 2009 high-frequency trading firms, which represent approximately 2% of the nearly 20,000 trading firms operating in the U.S. markets, have accounted for over 73% of all U.S. equity trading volume.


From here.

Also note that this excludes lots of other very short term traders in the market like individual day traders operating out of brokerage houses, coffee shops, office suites and living rooms around the nation, and institutional investors who are making some significant trades every day for time horizons measured in days and weeks. Many of these traders are doing essentially the same thing as the high-frequency traders in a less sophisticated way.

The fact that so few firms engage in high-frequency trading, and that so many day traders are economically marginal, suggests that the profits to be made from this kind of activity are pretty marginal. This is classic arbitrage of rounding errors and kindred "substance blind" investment decision making, in some ways the opposite of another "substance blind" investment approach called "index trading" which tries to replicated overall market return rather than trying to beat it.

Once you filter out the high-frequency technical trading and blind index fund activity from the equity markets, you are left with a pretty modest volume of smart money trading on the economic merits of publicly held companies for the relatively long term.

Vassar economist Rajiv Sethi has written a lot on algorithmic trading and kindred issues of market strategy. One of his bottom line conclusions, as I understand it, is that markets have a self-correcting tendency to shift from substance blind follow the leader kinds of trading to investment merit based trading, in what he calls "endogenous regime switching" (hand it to academics to give great insights boring names), as the proportion of algorithmic traders in the market overleverages the outside information driven signals in the market place.

When most of the trades in the market are driven by traders running on autopilot, the market itself becomes unstable, because technical bets can be confused with genuine new information about the outside world and leverage noise into major market movements.
READ MORE - Who trades stock?

Kamis, 13 Januari 2011

The Grandparent Revolution Happened Late

The ratio of old adults to young adults in Neandertals was similar to that of early modern humans in the Levant and early Upper Paleolithic people of Europe, according to a new study that largely confirms a group of papers published from 2004 to 2006 by a separate team of researchers.

According to the New York Times, the new study found that:

[T]here was approximately the same number of adults in the 20-to-40 age range and over-40 age range in both groups. About 25 percent of adult humans and Neanderthals survived past 40.


Infant mortality rates, the proportion of the population that was made up of juveniles, and the fraction of juveniles who survived to become adults is not estimated.

If the number of juveniles at any given time was roughly equal to the number of adults (which is a rough estimate of what one would expect after an initial expansion of a founder population to a stable level), then this would imply a life expectency for children who escaped infant morality on the order of twenty years. This is on the order of half that of the least developed countries today, and probably somewhat below life expectencies in the Roman Empire. Infant mortality then was probably in the 15% to 35% range seen in the the least modern circumstances for which there is good documentation.

Even with infant mortality on the high end of this range, significant child birth mortality of women, and a fair amount of birth order spacing as is found in modern hunter-gatherer societies, one would expect the average woman to have about six children in a lifetime (the highest numbers of children per woman in agricultural world societies today is about eight), two of whom, on average, would die as infants, and only half of the remaining four of which would survive to have children of their own in a stable population. Thus, about two-thirds of children born would live the first year, about one-third of children born would live to age twenty. Life expectency at birth would be something on the order of twelve years.

It is also worth noting for context, that in the hunter-gatherer era, except for a few highly productive fishing societies like those of the Pacific Northwest and Japan, that until farming was invented, "Individual band societies tend to be small in number (10-30 individuals), but these may gather together seasonally to temporarily form a larger group (100 or more) when resources are abundant."

Thus, in a seasonal gathering of half a dozen bands with an average of twenty people each, there might have been 60 kids, 45 adults who were not yet middle aged, and 15 adults who were middle aged or elderly, of whom probably no more than 5 adults would be older than the sixty-five year old age we think of as retirement aged in modern life. One or two bands out of half a dozen would have had no elderly adults, while probably none of the bands would have had more than a couple of elderly adults. If the pre-modern populations that I am most familiar with are any indication, child birth mortality would probably have caused an excess of men over women in among the elders. So, there might only be one or two women among the elderly in the larger tribe.

According to John Hawks, whose post is the first link above, the newer study, however, "found fewer [modern human] older adults in the early Upper Paleolithic."

Hawks engaged the authors of the new study on their decision not to cite the earlier study, but apart from issues of academic etiquette, the result enhances confidence in the conclusion because replication of results is key part of the scientific process.

The research (and their one difference in result) matters because one of the notable hypotheses that has been used to explain the great success of modern humans as a species has been the observation that having a significant number of grandparents in the population may have provided selective advantages for the community as a whole, perhaps, for example, by making it easier for cultural practices and community oral histories to be preserved more accurately for longer periods of time.

If the new study is closer to the truth than the older one, or even if the truth is somewhere in between them, the grandparent hypothesis is not disproven, but it then follows that the grandparent advantage, rather than being a feature of modern humans that gave them a strong edge relative to Neanderthals and other archaic hominins. Instead, this may have been something that arose in most places (the Jomon in Japan whose fishing society was the first to make pottery may have been an earlier exception) sometime after the Last Glacial Maximum of about 20,000 years ago. Thus, it may have arise after a period of something on the order of 200,000 years during which anatomically modern humans existed and had characteristically modern human tool sets, which included, for example, more sophisticated stone work and the use of bone in tools not utilized by other archaic hominins.
READ MORE - The Grandparent Revolution Happened Late

Selasa, 04 Januari 2011

Paragraphs Rock

One survey found that the most popular blog posts today are the longest ones, 1,600 words on average.


From here.

Of course, the irony, from the perspective of academia, which is still my cultural home, even though I live and work in the world of journalism and business and the Internet (I confess to never having had the heart to remove the title "Professor" from my bar journal subscription), is that in many disciplines, any published work less than about 20,000 words is considered trivial short form ephemera, while a mere 1,600 words on a blog is considered positively erudite and wordy in the blogosphere.
READ MORE - Paragraphs Rock

Selasa, 14 Desember 2010

Puzzle Solving v Problem Solving

The New York Times published a letter today from my dad about its conflation of "puzzle solving" and "problem solving" in one of its articles.

To the Editor:

Puzzle solving is a very small subset of problem solving, and the two should not be equated at all. I will not dispute that there is a particular kind of creativity involved in solving puzzles, but it is not at all the kind of creativity needed to solve problems.

Gene E. Willeke

Oxford, Ohio


From the New York Times (November 14, 2010).

One of the core courses that my dad taught his Master's Degree students in Environmental Sciences over his many decades as a professor was a course on problem solving. The environmental problems that his students were learning to solve, however, were rarely of the puzzle variety.

The publication of his letter is also notable, as both he and I have now been mentioned in this particular newspaper this year. The lesson in both cases is that brevity is the key to getting published in the popular press.
READ MORE - Puzzle Solving v Problem Solving